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Tuesday, Dec 16, 2025

I miss Liberal-Republicans: An old Vermont political tradition

“Liberal-Republicans” often seem like an oxymoron in today’s politics. In a time when political identity feels like a team sport, it’s hard to picture a Republican being called a liberal without some irony. Yet in the Green Mountain State, that phrase has historically represented an entire political tradition, one founded on independence and a sense of duty rather than strict ideological adherence. 

For much of the 20th century, the Republican Party dominated Vermont. Instead of facing opposition like the Democrats, the Republican Party had internal factions, one of which was the Gibson-Aiken wing. Named after Senators Ernest W. Gibson and George Aiken, this faction represented moderate pragmatism and often supported liberal-to-progressive policies of the era. They typically presented themselves not as ideological crusaders like those seen in today's politics, but as problem solvers fighting for Vermonters. 

Former Governor Jim Douglas, an executive in residence at Middlebury, has extensive knowledge of the subject. He explained to me how “The Old Guard” members of this Liberal-Republican delegation — such as Senators Aiken, Robert Stafford, and Jim Jeffords — were seen and acted like “gentlemen.” This description perfectly captures the essence of this era of Republicanism: public service was about integrity, not performativity. 

To be a Liberal-Republican in Vermont meant believing that the government should be efficient and fair. Being fiscally responsible while addressing social issues was not a contradiction but a moral obligation that came with the job. After all, this is the state that gave Abraham Lincoln the highest popular vote share in the nation in 1860. 

One of my favorite aspects of this side of the party was the strong emphasis on the environment, which even left a legacy of Green Mountain environmentalism in the country before “green politics” was coined. Sen. Aiken promoted the preservation of small farms and forests, even cosponsoring the Forest and Rangeland Renewable Resources Planning Act of 1974, which helped establish sustainability within U.S. forest policy. Sen. Stafford was well known for gaining bipartisan support for the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act, which provided a legal basis for major disaster declarations and their procedures. Senator Jim Jeffords also contributed by pushing the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990, which helped create new programs to address issues like acid rain, urban air pollution and toxic air pollutants. His environmental beliefs also put him at odds with the national party, leading him to make his infamous party switch. 

Today, the Republican Party in Vermont looks different. The state that once embodied Liberal-Republicanism is now best known as the “Land of Bernie.” In areas where progressive politics seem to thrive, the state has consistently supported Democratic presidential candidates since 1992. However, it has continued to vote for Republicans to some extent.

Current Governor Phil Scott embodies this longstanding Vermont Republican tradition as a fiscal conservative with socially liberal views, often advocating for pragmatism. This approach has made him one of the most popular governors in the nation, earning him an approval rating of +58%. Clearly, at some level, the appeal of pragmatic Republicanism is accepted in the local setting, and he himself demonstrates the balance and decency that Vermont values, as Aiken and others have shown.

Although the party has undergone massive changes, becoming smaller than before and no longer dominating elections, Republicans have made notable gains. In the 2024 election, the office of the Lieutenant Governor was flipped from the Progressive David Zuckerman to the Moderate Republican John Rodgers, with Rodgers winning 48.8% to Zuckerman's 47.1% in a close race. Republicans also made gains in the State Senate and House, increasing from 7 to 16 and 37 to 56 seats, respectively, which ended the Democratic supermajorities in both chambers.

These gains stem from various factors, including frustration with rising property taxes, healthcare costs and broader affordability issues that drive young people out of the state. Additionally, Governor Scott's calls for electing legislators who will work with him on these issues contribute to the gains. These may have resonated with voters not through ideological beliefs, but through perceptions of competence and civility. 

So, what does this mean for the future of the Vermont GOP? Some argue that old Liberal-Republicans have long left the party, finding a new home with the Democrats. Others say that the rise of the MAGA movement has permanently shifted the Republicans towards a more conservative stance. A clear example of this can be seen in the 2022 Vermont Senate elections, where MAGA conservative Gerald Malloy defeated moderate Scott/Douglas-endorsed Christina Nolan, 42.4% to 37.7%. Malloy was later defeated in the midterm election for Senate, with Democrat Peter Welch winning 68.5% to 28.1%.

Maybe the path forward isn’t doubling down on the national conservative rhetoric, but rather a return to the “Liberal-Republican.” Vermont’s political DNA still seems to embrace candidates who listen, compromise, and lead with integrity. Gov. Scott won with 73.4%, outperforming Bernie with 63.2% on the same ballot. The issues that Vermonters care about, affordability, housing, and the environment, among other things, aren’t solved by partisan shouting, but by the skills of problem-solving that are missing from the moderates of old.

My admiration for the Liberal-Republicans of the past might be idealistic, and they probably will not regain the prominence they once had. However, the values once defined by this traditional Vermont legacy — independence, stewardship, and decency — are now missing in today’s era of toxic partisanship. Maybe the future of Vermont Republicanism isn’t about adopting national rhetoric but about remembering the qualities that once characterized this state.


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